By Gilbert Rozman (eds.)
Updating the papers from the 2011 Asan convention to hide the tip of 2011, this publication displays the kingdom of research at the eve of the $64000 2012-13 transition to China's fifth-generation leaders.
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Additional info for China’s Foreign Policy: Who Makes It, and How Is It Made?
Avery Goldstein 47 symbolic gesture of ﬂexibility on individual cases. Although China’s defensive authoritarianism may put it on the “wrong side of history,” any distaste for the opprobrium that such a posture brings seems to be outweighed by the CCP’s fear that accommodating the global historical tide of democratization runs the risk that the regime will lose control of the process of political change and be swept aside. Another ideological inﬂuence that bears more directly on China’s foreign policy, and that will likely continue to constrain China’s new leaders after 2012, is the recently strengthening admixture of anti-hegemonism rooted in the CCP’s Maoist heritage and Sinocentric regionalism echoing the legacy of China’s historical role in Asia and reﬂecting the growing self-conﬁdence of a country which has made remarkable economic and military strides since the turn of the century.
Perhaps more importantly, even if some surprises were discovered, there are reasons to believe that such new ideas would not necessarily be reﬂected in the foreign policies that China adopts under their leadership. , an early grasp of the policy position that Mao would ultimately decide was correct. 3 Nor is such evidence likely to be immediately apparent after the torch is passed. Even if the new leaders have new and distinctive foreign policy views, if the transitions to the third and fourth generations (headed by Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao respectively) are a guide, once they are formally in charge, the successors are likely to move cautiously rather than to quickly articulate novel foreign policy ideas.
But that only means that the CCP’s new leaders under Xi Jinping should be expected to continue China’s recent emphasis on investing in military capabilities (such as the widely discussed anti-satellite ballistic missile system, quieter submarines, more sophisticated ship-to-ship guided missiles, mines, and torpedoes) that pose an ever more serious coercive threat of punishment against US forces that the PLA cannot hope to defeat. To ensure China’s important maritime interests in a militarily challenging regional setting, the CCP’s new leaders will also need to maintain the security of the country’s land borders.