By Maung Aung Myoe
Seeing that its independence in January 1948, Myanmar has attempted to discover how to take care of (at one time) ideologically adversarial and typically chauvinistic China which has pursued a overseas coverage geared toward restoring its perceived impact in Myanmar. To counter China's makes an attempt to steer Myanmar's overseas coverage suggestions has regularly been a problem for the Myanmar executive. because the Fifties, successive Myanmar governments have discovered that Myanmar's bilateral kinfolk with the People's Republic of China may still top be carried out within the context of selling the 5 rules of peaceable Coexistence, the Bandung spirit and the Pauk-Phaw (kinsfolk) friendship. The time period Pauk-Phaw is completely dedicated to denote the unique nature of the Sino-Myanmar courting. This paintings argues that Myanmar's dating with China is uneven yet Myanmar skilfully performs the "China Card" and it enjoys significant area in its behavior of overseas kinfolk. as long as each side satisfy the responsibilities that come below "Pauk-Phaw" friendship, the connection will stay delicate. Myanmar has consistently repositioned her kin with China to her top virtue. Myanmar's China coverage has continuously been put someplace in among balancing and bandwagoning, and the juxtaposition of accommodating China's nearby strategic pursuits and resisting chinese language impact and interference in Myanmar's inner affairs has been an indicator of Myanmar's China coverage. this can be prone to stay unchanged.
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Additional resources for In the Name of Pauk-Phaw: Myanmar's China Policy Since 1948
Yangon feared that going public and confronting the PRC might invite the direct and unwelcome involvement of the world powers, turning Myanmar into a battleground. At the same time the KMT issue would certainly have become more complicated if the US had decided to openly intervene on the side of the Chinese nationalist remnant forces. Several reports about PLA incursions into Myanmar territory claimed by Beijing were made by field commanders to the War Office in Yangon. Moreover, Yangon was aware that some Chinese authorities were involved in fomenting secessionist sentiment among the national minorities in the border region, apparently in the hope that they would join autonomous areas established by the PRC state in the 1950s.
However, General Li Mi returned to Mong-hsat after consultation with Taiwan authorities in January 1953. According to a Myanmar government report: It was observed from reports that General Lu Kuo Chuan had concentrated on the organization, recruiting and training of his forces while they were centralized at Monghsat. indd 33 8/23/11 1:15:26 PM 34 In the Name of Pauk-Phaw State, besides the reconstruction and formalizing of Mong-hsat airstrip into an air base. In February 1952, the airfield became a terminus for regular air traffic between KMT troops in Burma and KMT HQ in Taiwan.
Myanmar’s positions throughout the Korean War might have convinced the Chinese leadership that Yangon was not an imperialist stooge. In addition, Myanmar’s cautious remark on the Tibet issue might also have positively contributed to the change of view among the Chinese leadership. Anxious to convince China that it would not do anything detrimental to Beijing’s strategic interest in Myanmar, the Yangon government promoted PRC’s diplomatic image regionally and internationally. By early 1954, Yangon had convinced the Chinese leadership that it had much to gain from improved relations with neutralist Myanmar.