By William Blum
Is the U.S. a strength for democracy? during this vintage and distinct quantity that solutions this question, William Blum serves up a forensic evaluate of U.S. international coverage spanning sixty years. if you happen to wish the main points on our most renowned -actions (Chile, Cuba, Vietnam, to call a few), and in case you are looking to find out about our lesser-known efforts (France, China, Bolivia, Brazil, for example), this e-book presents a window on what our international coverage pursuits quite are.
"Far and away the simplest ebook at the topic."-Noam Chomsky
"A priceless reference for a person drawn to the behavior of U.S. international policy."- Choice
"I loved it immensely."-Gore Vidal
"The unmarried most valuable precis of CIA history."-John Stockwell
"Each bankruptcy I learn makes me a growing number of angry."-Helen Caldicott
"A very necessary piece of labor, daunting in scope, important."-Thomas Powers, writer and Pulitzer Prize--winning journalist
"A very invaluable booklet. The learn and association are tremendous impressive."-A.J. Langguth, writer and previous ny occasions bureau leader
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Extra info for Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II
28 An example of what could land a Greek citizen in prison is the case of the EAM member who received an 18-month sentence for printing remarks deemed insulting to Dwight Griswold. S. "30 Earlier, American management of the economy may have been even tighter. A memorandum from Athens dated 17 November 1947, from the American Mission to Aid Greece to the State Department in Washington, read in part: "we have established practical control ... "31 There was, moreover, the creation of a new internal security agency, named and modeled after the CIA (KYP in Greek).
S oldest colony I walked the floor of the White House night after night until midnight; and I am not ashamed to tell you, gentlemen, that I went down on my knees and prayed (to) Almighty God for light and guidance more than one night. And one night late it came to me this way—I don't know how it was, but it came: (1) That we could not give them [the Philippine Islands] back to Spain—that would be cowardly and dishonorable; (2) that we could not turn them over to France or Germany—our commercial rivals in the Orient—that would be bad business and discreditable; (3) chat we could not leave them to themselves—they were unfit for selfgovernment—and they would soon have anarchy and misrule over there worse than Spain's was; and (4) that there was nothing left for us to do but to take them all, and to educate the Filipinos, and uplift and civilize and Christianize them, and by God's grace do the very best we could by them, as our fellow-men for whom Christ also died.
It is not a serious work of history, nor was it intended to be. ) His chapter contains no discussion of any of the previous fighting across the border, nothing of Rhee's belligerent statements, nothing at all even of the Soviet Union's crucial absence from the UN which, as we shall see, allowed the so-called United Nations Army to be formed and 46 intervene in the conflict. Moreover, his reminiscences, as published, are an edited and condensed version of the tapes he made. A study based on a comparison between the Russian-language transcription of the tapes and the published English-language book reveals that some of Khrushchev's memories about Korea were indeed sketchy, but that the book fails to bring this out.