New PDF release: L'Anarchia: Il nostro programma

By Errico Malatesta

Cambiate l’opinione, convincete il pubblico che il governo non solo non è necessario, ma è estremamente dannoso, ed allora los angeles parola anarchia, appunto perché significa assenza di governo, vorrà dire in line with tutti: ordine naturale, armonia dei bisogni e degl’interessi di tutti, libertà completa nella completa solidarietà.

Errico Malatesta (1853–1932), anarchico, internazionalista e antimilitarista, fu tra i più importanti teorici europei dell’anarchismo, assieme — fra gli altri — a Bakunin, Kropotkin e Proudhon. Fu chiamato il “Lenin d’Italia”, anche se egli rigettò sempre ogni leaderismo, consistent with los angeles propria capacità di tessere reti internazionali di lotta politica e in step with il grande impegno profuso nella realizzazione di una Rivoluzione anarchica. Visse in molte città del mondo, morì in sordina nell’isolamento culturale imposto dall’oppressione del Regime fascista e dall’oblio politico del Partito comunista. Spese i propri giorni realizzando una Rivoluzione senza capi.

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Extra info for L'Anarchia: Il nostro programma

Sample text

On the problem of their identities within the comedy, see Olson 1991b, who argues that the Neighbor is the First Citizen and the Second Citizen is an anonymous character. 32 THE SELF-INTERESTED CITIZEN his property to the city in compliance with the women’s decree; his only concern is that, if he lingers, there may be no place left for his contribution (794–5). The other (“Second Citizen”), unscrupulous and cynical, holds back on contributing his share. He shrewdly waits to see if the fickle Assembly will rescind this directive (797–8; 812– 22), and if others will actually comply: “Do you really believe that any single one of them who has any sense will bring his goods in?

16 (“they run risks on their own behalf, and they carry off for themselves the prizes of bravery and likewise the penalty of cowardice”), with Forsdyke 2001: 339–41. 27 THE BAD CITIZEN IN CLASSICAL ATHENS Strong evidence that Athenians linked good citizenship to individual self-interest comes from the corpus of Attic funeral orations, which were presented on behalf of hoplites who had died serving the city. , Athenians regularly held state funerals at public expense for the city’s war dead; a significant feature of these was the delivery of a funeral oration (epitaphios) by a prominent individual elected by the d¯emos (Th.

75–6; cf. ] Ath. Pol. 9 Although sophistic doctrines concerning self-interest could, if taken to an extreme, constitute a challenge to conventional morality (Ant. 6 7 8 9 M. C. 3), self-interest also motivated many members of the d¯emos to accept the oligarchic regime of 411. On the intense discussion of self-interest in late-fifth–century Athens, see Balot 2001a: 136–233. Balot (181) goes too far, in my view, however, in contrasting the situation before the Peloponnesian War with that during it: “As long as the empire was successful, there was no conflict between the good of the polis and the good of the individual.

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