By Howard Caygill
No be aware is extra relevant to the modern political mind's eye and motion than 'resistance'. In its a variety of manifestations - from the armed guerrilla to Gandhian mass pacifist protest, from Wikileaks and the Arab Spring to the worldwide eruption and violent repression of the Occupy circulation - ideas of resistance have gotten ubiquitous and pressing. during this publication, Howard Caygill conducts the 1st ever systematic research of 'resistance': as a method of defying political oppression, in its dating with army violence and its cultural representation.
Beginning with the militaristic doctrine of Clausewitz and the evolution of a brand new version of guerrilla struggle to withstand the forces of Napoleonic France, On Resistance elucidates and reviews the contributions of seminal resistant thinkers from Marx and Nietzsche to Mao, Gandhi, Sartre and Fanon to spot continuities of resistance and uprising from the Paris Commune to the Greenham Women's Peace Camp. utilizing a threefold line of inquiry, Caygill exposes the power discourses by which resistance has been framed when it comes to strength, violence, awareness and subjectivity to conform a critique of resistance. Tracing the beneficial properties of resistance, its thoughts, personality and recurring kinds all through glossy global historical past Caygill identifies the typological consistencies which make up resistance. eventually, by means of teasing out the conceptual nuances of resistance and its affinities to suggestions of repression, reform and revolution, Caygill displays upon modern manifestations of resistance to spot no matter if the twenty first century is evolving new understandings of protest and fight.
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Extra resources for On Resistance: A Philosophy of Defiance
Marx was a close student of French politics: his analyses of the 1848 Revolution and the 1851 coup-d’etat of Louis Napoleon remain classics of history and political theory. He followed closely the institution of the Second Empire in 1851 and described its internal tensions provoked by speculative finance capital, an inflated bureaucracy and sustained police repression. On July 19th 1870 the Empire declared war on Bismarck’s Prussia and was rapidly defeated, surrendering on 2 September. Already in July Marx gave his first Address to the International Working Men’s Association in London on events in France.
Clausewitz’s understanding and use of Kantian concepts is quite distinct from the more canonical Fichtean and Hegelian developments of the critical philosophy. Like his fellow military post-Kantian Heinrich von Kleist, Clausewitz approaches the critical philosophy from the standpoint of a reason confronted with danger, insecurity and the violence of chance. Departing from a predicament of danger and insecurity, Clausewitz puts in question Kant’s insistence on justifying the legitimate possession of concepts, noting that such justification would not be necessary were possession not already endangered, in a state of war.
By emphasizing the slave revolt in morals against Empire, seeing in it a reactive desire for revenge, Nietzsche did not understand that this revolt was directed not against any ‘noble morality’ of Empire, but against the ressentiment of an existing slaveholders revolt in morals. By not seeing what was new and expansive in the Commune, seeing it only as regression, Nietzsche misunderstood its fusion of resistance and affirmation as well as its politics of citation: ‘Who can say whether modern democracy, even more modern anarchism and especially that inclination for commune for the most primitive form of society which is shared by all the socialists of Europe, does not signify in the main a massive counterattack (Nietzsche 1969, 1, 5).